Identity negotiation of older people in a mobility context 1 : The case of train journeys

The social image of ageing: From marginality to successful ageing

The social consciousness associated with older people still has connotations relating to regression or degeneration and to physical and physiological decline (Crockett and Hummert, 1987; Ferraro, 1992; Gilleard and Higgs, 2013; Guiot, 2006; Gullette, 1997; Higgs and Gilleard, 2014). For example, advertisements aimed at elderly people exaggerate the detachment of syllables and use simplified vocabulary, syntax and grammar (Carrigan and Szmigin, 2000; Yoon and Cole, 2008; Yoon et al., 2009). They are considered to be vulnerable people (Baker et al., 2005; Pavia and Mason, 2014) who need to be protected (Hébel, 2010; Kang and Ridgway, 1996; Wells and Gubar, 1966).

This categorisation of ageing as a handicap is specific to Western cultures (Lamb, 2009). Kuypers and Bengtson (1973) advanced the ‘social breakdown syndrome theory’ to characterise the discrepancy between the values of Western society revolving around productivity and success, and the image of ‘frail’ and marginalised older people. Research on the anthropology of ageing illustrates how the representations associated with this process have evolved. Ageing has been transformed from a natural and logical change into a weakness that must be managed by medicine. Gron (2016), revisiting the research of Lamb (2009, 2014), illustrates differences in perception between Western (American) societies and Indian society. In India, ageing is considered to be a normal and expected process, whereas in the United States, it is seen as a phenomenon that must be treated by medicine. The emergence of the cult of youth holds sway for the social representation of the elderly person in the West. The ideal image of the old person is no longer embodied by the wise elder, but rather someone who remains open to change and never really grows old (Ahmadi, 2001). Ahmadi (2001) shows that experience and maturity were held in high esteem at the start of the 20th century; young people tried hard to appear older than they actually were. In societies that prize youth and flexibility, this process is reversed; elderly people do everything in their power to appear young. This defence mechanism can be illustrated by a difference between objective age and subjective age in elderly people (Barak and Gould, 1985; Barak and Schiffman, 1981; Guiot, 2001), who perceive themselves as being younger to avoid being categorised as elderly people.

However, ageing-related representations are changing in the West. The baby-boom generation is starting to retire and the growing numbers of older people in society are helping to change ageing-related perceptions (Duyck and Guérin, 2006; Gergen and Gergen, 2000). The ‘baby-boomers’ would appear to have sufficient demographic weight to transform negative representations. Older people are no longer exclusively perceived as being frail and isolated people. The perception of ageing is also characterised by the growing empowerment of elderly people, and the maintenance of their health, their pleasure and their well-being (Gron, 2016). Research projects have examined these changes in representations of ageing. More and more research is being carried out on successful ageing (Baltes, 1991; Bülow and Söderqvist, 2014), in a marked contrast to the ‘care-centric’ vision focusing on the frailty of elderly people. The research places the emphasis on the process of successful ageing in elderly people, as opposed to the phenomenon of physical degeneration (Guiot, 2006; Reed and Carstensen, 2012; Senges et al., 2014; Tornstam, 1997, 2005). Successful ageing is measured by the attainment of physiological, psychological and social goals (Baltes and Carstensen, 1996; Senges et al., 2014). Although this process may be desired, it is accompanied by normative dimensions imposed upon elderly people, who must continue to be autonomous, active and socially integrated (Senges et al., 2014).

The definition of elderly people illustrates the tensions in the social consciousness associated with ageing in the West. Guiot and Urien (2012) consider that people are defined as belonging to the category of elderly people according to their age (starting at 60) and status (retired), but these two criteria, which may or may not be combined in different studies, do not take account of ageing-related connotations. Tréguer (2007), when revisiting the age-based classification, mentions the ‘liberated elderly’ (60–74 year olds), the ‘serene elderly’ (75–84 year olds) and the ‘oldest old people’ (above 85s). In this type of segmentation, a conflict becomes apparent between ageing-related difficulties and successful ageing. More specifically, the difference between ‘senior’ and ‘elderly person’ is symptomatic of the tensions relating to the social consciousness of ageing. The epithet ‘senior’ has become a norm that condenses notions of honour (Ruaux, 2007). The term ‘senior’ is supposed to underline the competences possessed by the older person. It could be considered a characteristic of the successful ageing dictate (Gron, 2016). Conversely, the term ‘elderly person’ could be said to characterise the frailty associated with ageing.

Representations of ageing are therefore pervaded by tensions between devaluation vis-à-vis the productivity of Western societies and the positive image associated with successful ageing. Older people negotiate their identity on the basis of this social consciousness.

The identity negotiation of elderly people

People who are still young enough and unburdened by physical and cognitive disabilities can adopt avoidance strategies in relation to the negative social image of ageing. They may refuse to consider themselves to be ‘elderly’ (Tepper, 1994). However, people of a more advanced age cannot deny the visible effects of ageing. They undergo identity upheavals following the decline in their physical faculties but must also take account of the social image of ageing, particularly when they experience it in their interactions with others.

Mobility as a context for the identity negotiation of ageing

Mobility becomes an essential value in the ‘liquid societies’ that characterise current Western civilisations (Bauman, 2000). These societies are at odds with ‘solid’, established structures. ‘Solid’ societies are self-perpetuating and ensure the predictability of individuals’ social lives. The quickening pace of social life (Rosa, 2010) accentuates the role of mobility in liquid societies. It becomes a social integration value and a key identity issue. It can then be defined in terms of competence and capital (Kaufmann, 2005; Kaufmann et al., 2004).

There tends to be a gradual reduction in mobility among older people (Dumas, 2012). The physical ageing process makes journeys more difficult and reduces the desire to leave one’s home (Lord et al., 2009). The inability to travel accentuates the image of the older person as frail and marginalised, given the importance of mobility as a social issue in which everyone must demonstrate their competence. There seems to be a discrepancy between the high status afforded to mobility and the growing difficulties experienced by older people.

Studies have examined the individual adaptation strategies implemented by older people. The Selection, Optimisation and Compensation (SOC) theory classifies these different mechanisms (Baltes and Carstensen, 1996; Freund and Baltes, 1998, 2002; Guiot, 2006). In general, older people choose the goals they want to attain. They will then display motivation and perseverance in an effort to optimise their resources and the means at their disposal to attain these goals. If these means fail to work, they may compensate for these losses. This compensation consists of replacing their declining resources with abundantly available resources.

The car is considered to represent the optimum level of mobility for older people, combining choice, accessibility, opportunity and freedom (Alsnih and Henser, 2003), who optimise their resources to continue to drive. In this way, Lord et al. (2009) identify adaptations to their journeys, travelling times and locations. However, if they can no longer drive, elderly people facing mobility difficulties may mobilise other technical, family or societal resources, notably using public transport (Alsnih and Henser, 2003; Lord et al., 2009; Shunway-Cook et al., 2003).

The SOC theory underlines individual mobility adaptation practices, which rely primarily upon discursive strategies that do not necessarily reflect the reality experienced by the people involved in the mobility situation. In addition, these strategies do not provide an insight into the identity negotiation in operation during their journeys. Due to their growing difficulties, elderly people delegate a proportion of their mobility (e.g. using public transport instead of their cars). They are part of a shared mobility environment with other people, in which they interact with collective socio-material settings. Mobility is no longer an exclusively individual practice. It engages their identity and confronts them with their social image. Our research focuses on the identity-negotiation strategies adopted by older people to maintain their mobility.

Stoic fatalism

This first strategy corresponds to the tacit acceptance by older people of their growing mobility-related difficulties. The older people ‘accept’ the social image of frailty associated with their identity. They consider this to be a natural development. They experience a decline in their abilities while travelling. These difficulties confirm their identity as a frail, older person. The negotiation is especially apparent in their discourse and corresponds to a gradual lowering of their expectations. The main lexical field is that of the ordeal, as in Denise’s case:

If I take the train, I have to put my dog in the bag. And now I struggle to carry it because I’ve got tendinitis in both shoulders. I’m not allowed to let him walk on his own. And the journeys are always chaotic, the seats aren’t comfortable; it’s hard. (Denise, 75 years old, Rennes)

Train journeys expose their weaknesses and identity as an elderly person.

The older people interviewed show a stoic acceptance of their frailty, which enables them to travel: they accept that they ‘are obliged’ to travel (to visit their families and see their friends) instead of ‘wanting’ to.

They are confronted with the fact that they are ageing during their journey and accept it. The strategy of stoic fatalism consists of people adopting their own pace and routines for travelling in the knowledge that they will face difficulties due to their limited competences (physical and cognitive). They settle for attaining this ultimate goal (continuing to travel) and arriving at their destination without having any higher expectations.

In this strategy, the older people studied do not want to disturb their loved ones or the other people present during their journeys. They observe their difficulties but do not want to be helped. They know that they are frail and are aware that other people perceive them as such, but do not want to take advantage of the situation.

In this manner, Pierrette (Table 2) is reluctant to agree to an employee coming to fetch her in a wheelchair.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 2.

The stoic fatalism strategy.

Negotiation with oneself	Elderly people accept the social image of frailty as a logical and natural phenomenon. They become aware of their frailties in mobile contexts. ‘The departure’s always an enjoyable and pleasant moment, so it needn’t be stressful if you take your time. You need to be realistic when you take public transport, you can’t have it all ways’. (Interview, René, 80 years old, Rennes) ‘Yes, and then it depends where I’m going; what’s more, you should see how certain people drive. There’s no way I’m going to cause an accident. If the sun’s in my eyes, I can’t see anyone 50 metres in front of me. A kid crossing the road or whatever … I’m not taking any risks’. (Interview, Denise, 75 years old, Rennes)
Negotiation with others	Older people consider themselves frail, but also to be a burden on others. Their first instinct is to cope with things on their own, without bothering anyone else. They only ask for help as a last resort. ‘I’ll get home by my own means, I don’t want my daughter to come and fetch me. Before, she used to accompany me to the station, but once, she got stuck driving a pick-up she wasn’t comfortable with and that upset me’. (Observation, Eline, 72 years old, Gare de Lyon train station, May 2014) ‘The last time I went to Saint Anne d’Auray, my knee was hurting me, and an employee came to fetch me with a wheelchair; I was embarrassed, it was too much fuss for me …’. (Interview, Pierrette 75 years old, Lyon)
Negotiation with socio-material settings	Objects act as a marker of a person’s difficulties as an elderly person. They are confronted with settings that are beyond their capabilities and worsen their ordeal. Michelle and André (72 years old) have travelled to Paris to visit their son and are setting off to return to Annecy. Yesterday, they did a practice run to the station. They took the number 29 bus and got off at the wrong stop. This morning, they got off at the right stop and arrived at the station at 8.00 a.m. Their train leaves in 2 hours 15 minutes and is not yet shown on the screen. They start worrying: ‘Why is it not shown?’ At the information desk, they are told to wait. They sit on a bench near the display board and wait, keeping an eye on the displays. They do not take advantage of the amenities at the station (cafés and news agents) for fear of missing any information. When their train is finally shown on the screen, they are jostled by the crowd. Their ticket needs to be taken out for time-stamping in the machine at the entrance to the platform, which they had forgotten about. They are unable to find their carriage immediately and walk up and down the platform in both directions. When they get to their carriage, they realise that their seats are upstairs. André gets on first with the suitcase and Michelle follows him. They finally make it to their seats where they will remain for the rest of the journey – the hardest part is behind them. (Observation, Michelle and André, 76 and 78 years old, Gare de Lyon station, May 2014) Anne-Marie is taking the TGV to Lyon to see her great granddaughter, who has just been born. The journey on the Paris underground system seems like an epic voyage to an elderly person who moves slowly and is overwhelmed by the hordes of Parisians going to work in the morning. Anne-Marie changes at Saint Lazare. People are everywhere, the trains are packed full of passengers. ‘It’s unbelievable’, she tells me, ‘I’ve never seen anything like it’, the crowd overtakes her but never jostles her; ‘People pay attention to me’: on the stairways, on the underground system, in corridors. She continues in pursuit of her goal, at her own pace. Upon arrival at the Gare de Lyon, she asks for directions. She does not take the escalators (fear of falling) and grips the stair rail tightly. To get on the TGV, she pays particular attention to where she is putting her feet, grabs the access bar and climbs on board the train. (Observation, Anne-Marie, 86 years old, Paris–Lyon TGV, May 2014)

The stoic fatalism strategy essentially implies a discursive acceptance of one’s identity as a frail older person (without modifying these practices). They find it difficult to appropriate socio-material settings because of their growing cognitive or physical difficulties. Their failure to appropriate digital devices (touch-screen terminals and dynamic display screens) and technological fixtures (escalators) exacerbate the feeling of being out of their depth, as illustrated by Michelle and André (Table 2). These older people no longer manage to optimise the chosen resources (Baltes and Carstensen, 1996; Freund and Baltes, 1998, 2002). They can be compared to the figure of the ‘solitary survivor’ (Wells and Gubar, 1966). This identity associated with frailty is not appreciated, but it is a natural consequence of the difficulties endured.

A vicious circle may be established in which older people find it difficult to travel due to the increase in physical and cognitive problems; they decide to face up to the situation alone, armed with their competences which prove to be insufficient and experience even more problems when travelling, which causes them to accept their identity as frail, elderly people. This vicious circle may lead to their gradual relinquishment of mobility because they no longer feel capable of travelling (fatalism is no longer sufficient to accept the difficulties effectively encountered). For example, Denise no longer wants to drive her car for fear of causing an accident (Table 2). She accepts her status as an individual older person on the margins of society.

Opportunistic acceptance

The second strategy uses the social image of frailty associated with ageing as a tool to facilitate mobility. The older people in question negotiate their identity by exaggerating it. They do not accept their difficulties stoically, but rather exploit the image of the older person in a mobility context, as illustrated by Colette: ‘The conditions need to be right when you’re travelling. People need to take pity on you; you have to arouse sympathy’ (Colette, 81 years old, Lyon).

Their negotiation with themselves corresponds to a tacit acceptance of the social image of ageing, but they distinguish between the difficulties they actually experience and the role that other people attribute to them. They approach mobility as if it were a scene in a play in which they internalise the social role that is assigned to them (Goffman, 1973).

Negotiation with others is the key component of this strategy. Older people instinctively rely on other people’s support when travelling. They use the social image of ageing for opportunistic ends. Even if it is not delegated to others, the journey is always collective. They resolve the problems encountered by relying on a network of people mobilised during the course of their journeys. This opportunistic acceptance strategy is pressed into service at different stages of the journey (booking the ticket, support in the station, during the journey and arrival at destination). The older people prefer reassuring sources of support (family, friends or official authorities) but may also accept assistance from strangers when their problems become insurmountable. Their identity as frail, elderly people is a resource which they exploit by empowering other passengers. This can be considered to be a conscious and deliberate strategy, as in the case of Andrée (Table 3). By appearing to be older than she actually is, Andrée uses this social status in an opportunistic manner (Table 3).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 3.

The opportunistic acceptance strategy.

Negotiation with oneself	Older people accept their identity as frail people on the margins of society. They continue to travel, using their social image as a role to be played. ‘I’m always afraid when I travel. There are obstacles everywhere. Platforms, suitcases, escalators … What I’m personally aiming for is a trouble-free journey, without falling. If you can get other people to help you, so much the better’. (Interview, 76 years old, Rennes)
Negotiation with others	Older people exaggerate their difficulties and rely on help from other passengers. They disempower themselves and mobilise others during their journeys. They take advantage of the feelings of pity aroused by the social image of ageing. Obtaining help from others is a prerequisite for travelling. ‘In the major stations there’s never any staff around to help you. OK, perhaps that’s an exaggeration – there may be a few but at our age, we need a presence on hand to reassure us. And what’s more, a lot of elderly people complain about this’. (Interview, Paulette, 80 years old, Saint-Priest) ‘I always meet somebody who’ll carry my bag. It’s always easy to find help when you’re heavily laden’. (Interview, Pierrette, 75 years old, Rennes) ‘A driver will come to fetch us at the station in Saint-Raphaël. He knows us well, we’ve got his number, it’s practical. We’re well looked after’. (Observation, Eline, 72 years old, Paris Gare de Lyon, May 2014) Andrée is waiting at Rennes station to take the TER to Guingamp. She stands apart from the crowd of people on the platform. But Andrée is not worried: ‘You have to be in the right frame of mind when you’re travelling. People need to take, how can I put it … pity on you. It’s not easy to get on the train because everyone’s got their luggage. Then you’ve got your own luggage and it’s not always easy to get on and get off, especially at my age when you’ve got to hold on to something, but there’s often a kind person there to offer to carry your bags, so I accept’. (Observation, Andrée, Rennes station, March 2014) Jeanine is travelling from Paris to Arcachon for the summer. For the past 5 years or so, her neighbour has accompanied her to the station ‘because it’s not easy with my walking stick and the suitcases’. This time, her neighbour could not accompany her because there were too many people, but Jeanine copes by asking the people sitting near her whether they can lift her suitcase onto the train. (Observation, Jeanine, 89 years old, Paris, Gare Montparnasse, May 2014)
Negotiation with socio-material settings	Socio-material settings are ways to enter into contact with others. The elderly people barely try to use them or to understand how they work. They use them to reveal their weaknesses so that others will come to their aid. To get off the train, Bernadette always waits for someone to open the door first, which reassures her. (Observation, Bernadette, 79 years old, TER Vitré Rennes, March 2014) Marthe is travelling to Paris to attend a conference. She transfers the responsibility for the different stages of the journey to others: Booking the ticket. A sister from her community has booked the ticket on the Internet ( ‘I don’t really know how to use it’). At Nantes station, people had helped her to lift her luggage onto the train. She had also asked them whether she was in the right carriage. Upon arrival, a young woman behind her in the carriage helps her to carry her suitcase off the train, and then, after witnessing Marthe’s difficulties and realising that she did not seemed lost on the platform at Montparnasse station, she helps her to make her way along the platform and carries her suitcase. At the end of the platform, a moment of unease sets in. The young woman seems to want to leave, but Marthe’s attitude prevents her from doing so. She seems to be looking for the person who is supposed to be meeting her at the station. She gives the young girl a piece of paper on which a telephone number is written and the young woman makes a telephone call. The two people make arrangements to meet on the telephone and Marthe finally finds her contact at the end of the platform. The young woman slips away. (Observation, Marthe, 71 years old, Nantes–Paris TGV, Paris, May 2014)

In this strategy, the older people transfer their difficulties to other people. Help from others compensates for their mobility problems (Baltes and Carstensen, 1996; Freund and Baltes, 1998, 2002).

Interactions with the socio-material settings enable them to involve other people. Indeed, it is during these moments of vulnerability that elderly people can arouse pity, as in the case of Marthe who asked other people for help at each stage of her journey (Table 3).

Empowering appropriation

The third strategy is characterised by a reinforcement of the identity of older people, who do not consider themselves to be marginalised or frail. On the contrary, they want to distance themselves from this social image, and this approach prompts them employ cognitive resources to prepare for a journey in which they are not in difficulty. Their identity as dynamic older people is reinforced by their adaptation to mobility (the successes they enjoy in adapting to the requirements of travel enhance their identity and encourage them to be mobile), as in Heidi’s case:

Yes, I find it hard to walk. But I’ve found the solution: when I go to visit my daughter, I take my handbag, and then I’ve got something on wheels which is meant for shopping, and that’s what I put my belongings in. That means I’m pulling, not carrying. It’s easier for me and I can continue to travel and see my grandchildren and my daughter. (Heidi, 75 years old, Rennes)

Older people take pride in these adaptations and perceive themselves as being sensible and wise. They enhance their specific identity as older people who are not frail. This enables them to experience new forms of mobility that are compatible with their abilities. It gives them an impression of behaving wisely and they derive an enjoyment that is detached from this society in which they believe they still have their place, albeit on the fringes. Some of them become judges of values, expressing their ‘astonishment about people who spend all their time on their mobile phones when travelling instead of enjoying the countryside’ (interview with Hélène, 75 years old, Lyon).

Older people reinforce their identity by travelling with people who suffer from the same problems. They may travel as couples or with friends, and sociability networks may be created on the train, as illustrated by Nicole and Henriette who start chatting (Table 4). Bookings are often made via the counters at agencies. Connivance links are established with the vendors who offer them the best prices.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 4.

The empowering appropriation strategy.

Negotiation with oneself	Older people reinforce their identity as shrewd people. They manage to avoid difficulties. They are proud of being able to travel like younger people. Their proficiency enables them to envisage new opportunities to travel for pleasure. This morning, Gisèle decided to take the TER to Saint-Malo to see the sea. It was lovely weather in Rennes. She left her 90-year-old husband, whom she looks after, at home when she saw the sun. She’s quite familiar with the train times and knows that she can be back home quickly enough to ensure that he won’t be left along for too long. She has a stock of tickets which are valid for 2 months precisely so that she can set off whenever she wants. She makes her decision solely according to the weather. She can set off on the spur of the moment like someone without any ties. (Observation, Gisèle, 82 years old, Rennes–Saint-Malo TER, March 2014) ‘I often take the TER to Saint-Brieuc; my mother used to live there. I go there for a stroll, it’s nice to go for a walk. It does you good to move around a little, to get out of the house and travel. Sometimes I’d like to go for more than one day but the prices would have to be cheaper because it’s hard with our small pensions’. (Interview, Jannick, 72 years old, Rennes)
Negotiation with others	Elderly people avoid crowds. They can travel with people who are like them. A community of other older people sharing the same concerns is created and enhances the pleasure of travelling. This network reinforces its members’ identity. ‘I take the TER to go wandering around Grenoble or Saint-Etienne on a regular basis, about 6 or 7 times a year. I make these journeys with a friend. Travelling with someone else is reassuring and gives you peace of mind’. (Interview, Hélène, 75 years old, Lyon) I get on the TER with Nicole who is returning from a stay in her holiday cottage. She chooses a place away from the turmoil to be at ease. I notice Henriette sitting next to her. I move away for a while to have a wander around the carriage. When I return, Nicole and Henriette have both started chatting to each other. Henriette is telling her that she lives in northern France (Nord) and she’s visiting a friend. They find it easy to open up to each other. Nicole, who had wanted to avoid the hustle and bustle of the TER, discovers that Henriette is a pleasant travelling companion. (Observation, Nicole and Henriette, 80 and 78 years old, Lyon–Grenoble TER, March 2014)
Negotiation with socio-material settings	Older people develop routines that enable them to reduce the difficulties encountered when travelling. They are confronted with socio-material settings during the course of their journey, manage to master them and take pride in doing so. Bernadette and André are travelling to Montélimar for their grandson’s marriage. They knew the dates in advance and had ordered ‘Prem’s’ tickets and arranged to receive them by post. They want to avoid carrying their suitcases around, so they remain beneath the display screens. André heads off to buy a newspaper – Le Parisien – at a nearby kiosk. They calmly wait until their train is displayed on the screen. (Observation, Bernadette and André, 81 and 85 years old, Gare de Lyon station, May 2014) Ali lives in Venissieux and travels to Verpillère two or three times a month to visit his daughter and granddaughter. The TER enables him to make the return journey on the same day. The journey is short but it still allows him to relax. He prefers it to travelling by car. It is a lot more difficult by car, in particular, you need to be find somewhere to park. During the journey, he keeps a close eye on the stations displayed on the screen. As the train approaches Venissieux, and when the station is announced, he does not stand up straight away. He is familiar with this journey and knows that he still has time. He gets up just before the train pulls into the station to avoid falling, remains on the first step in preparation for getting off, waits until the train stops and then walks down the steps holding onto the handrail. When he gets to the bottom, he opens the door himself and steps onto the platform with no problems. (Observation, Ali, 74 years old, Lyon-Bourgoin Jallieu TER, May 2014) ‘I’m scared of causing an accident in the car. When the weather’s lousy, it makes me uneasy. I hardly ever drive any more, due to poor eyesight and back trouble (…) Being able to get around by TER is a real help; it means I can keep visiting my friend who lives in Vitré and attending conferences with her’. (Observation, Gilbert, 80 years old, Rennes-Vitré TER, March 2014)

Socio-material settings enable them to test the reinforcement of their identity. They twist the difficulties encountered with inanimate objects to their own advantage. This activity is a source of cognitive stimulation and creativity. They optimise their resources (Baltes and Carstensen, 1996; Freund and Baltes, 1998, 2002) and look for socio-material settings they can appropriate. Older people develop new routines for more efficient travel.

For example, Gisèle accumulates a stock of tickets she can use whenever she wishes (Table 4). They also adapt their physical capacities to the constraints of their journey. Ali (Table 4) stands up just before the train enters the station to avoid falling. He is familiar with the pace of the train and knows when to stand up at the right time to avoid being jostled when the driver brakes. Gilbert (Table 4) takes pride from being able to travel and visits his friend in Vitré despite his growing driving difficulties. Elderly people try to avoid the busiest periods and crowds which put them under pressure due to their slower pace. They create a specific space and time for their mobility which shields them from excessive passenger flows and commotion. They choose tickets that are valid for off-peak periods, on less popular routes. They sometimes pass through remote villages on buses or TER trains, like Léonie (82 years old) who ‘enjoys looking out on the countryside from the TER, which brings back childhood memories’. Their mastery of socio-material settings gives rise to new opportunities for consumption and travel. By anticipating and organising their journeys, older people can continue to travel for pleasure, when they desire, as illustrated by Gisèle (Table 4).

Finally, a final strategy (similar adequacy) concerns older people who manage to deny and deviate from the fixed identity assigned to frail elderly people. They consider themselves to be no different to any other travellers. However, this final strategy is hard to manage for elderly people who cannot conceal their physical or cognitive limitations for very long. Few cases of this strategy were documented during our field study observations although such situations may occasionally arise at certain stages of the journey (booking and walking to the platform). Certain older people appreciate being able to obtain their tickets on the Internet. They take pride in their ability to have succeeded in joining the modern ‘liquid’ society, like George: ‘I always book online through Voyagessncf.com. Like everybody else. Then I print out the tickets. There’s no point going to the ticket counters; the vendors are all the same, just like automatic terminals. And you often have to queue’ (George, 79 years old, Lyon). Older people can also feel that they belong to the modern ‘liquid’ society like any other traveller when they help people who are even frailer than they are. Eline (72 years old), who is returning to Saint-Raphaël, enjoys helping an Englishman to find his way (‘He needed to find carriage 13; everyone else told him to go farther along the platform but I took him right to his carriage’). However, this strategy is only occasionally used by elderly people.

Processes employed to restructure the different strategies

A logical cycle appears to emerge from these different strategies: when confronted with their growing difficulties, elderly people seem to be powerless and accept their difficulties with a stoic fatalism. They may transfer some of their difficulties to others (opportunistic acceptance) and negotiate their image as elderly people by appropriating their journeys (empowering appropriation). The fourth strategy (similar adequacy) may be adopted by older people who are still young, but also as an extension of the empowering appropriation strategy, when older people manage to remain in control of their journeys and can conceal the effects of ageing.

When new difficulties hamper the mobility of older people, a new cycle may be initiated: they seem to manage these problems through stoic fatalism and then through opportunistic acceptance or empowering appropriation. This interweaving of different strategies continues even when the difficulties increase.

It also seems possible for a single person to adopt the different strategies in a successive, interconnected, superimposed or interchangeable manner, at different times and in a variety of contexts. As a consequence, the identity of the elderly people changes during the course of a single journey. This is illustrated by the two examples in Table 5. Gilbert accepts that he can no longer drive (stoic fatalism) but develops new appropriation strategies for travelling by TER trains (buying his tickets in bulk, following visual cues, waiting near the display screen and choosing the best time to travel). For other journeys, he adopts an opportunistic acceptance strategy (e.g. travelling to Paris with his daughter). In Claudine’s case, different processes are also combined during the course of a single journey (Table 5).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 5.

Examples of different strategies adopted during a single journey.

Stages of the journey by train	Description	Identity-negotiation strategy used
Journey undertaken by Gilbert (82 years old), Rennes–Vitré by TER
1. Decision-making	Gilbert has stopped travelling by car due to his poor eyesight and back problems: ‘I don’t want to be responsible for causing an accident’.	Stoic fatalism
2. Purchasing tickets	Gilbert is visiting his female friend at Vitré, with the most honourable intentions. ‘We’re both widowed’. He met her through the University of the Third Age. He makes this Rennes–Vitré journey twice a month. He buys his tickets ‘in bulk’ at an agency in town: ‘It’s easy because it’s the same price, on any day’. He chooses to take the TER, ‘It’s practical, and it allows me to get around’. Gilbert enjoys to freedom of travel and adapts to the weather conditions: ‘If I see that it’s nasty weather, I call my friend and cancel’.	Empowering appropriation
3. Travelling	He knows the platform and waits for his train to be confirmed by the steps facing the display screen. As soon as the train is displayed, he goes down the steps while holding onto the handrail. He lets people behind overtake him: ‘You can overtake me, I’m slow’. He remains seated throughout the journey to Vitré. He uses a visual cue which tells him when to stand up and prepare to leave, ‘When the little train passes the bridge on the way into town’.	Empowering appropriation
4. Getting off the train	Getting off the train is a hazardous operation, but Gilbert stands to the side to avoid missing the step. His friend is waiting for him in her car in front of the station.	Empowering appropriation
	When travelling to Paris, Gilbert delegates all responsibility for the journey to his daughter who gets the tickets and accompanies him throughout the entire journey.	Opportunistic acceptance
Journey undertaken by Claudine (88 years old), Landerneau–La Forêt by TER
1. Decision-making	Claudine lives in La Forêt, a small municipality on the outskirts of Landerneau. She used to travel around in her car, but since she had a fall, she no longer uses it. Claudine took a taxi to go shopping, which took her to Landerneau. This shared taxi was reserved for seniors by the municipality. However, she could not choose what she wanted; the taxi stopped at a supermarket and she was obliged to do her shopping there. Therefore, she decided to take the TER so that she could shop where she wanted in Landerneau. She gets on at the station in La Forêt and gets off at the next stop, which is Landerneau.	Stoic fatalism
2. Purchasing tickets	She has bought a book of 20 tickets to ensure she always has some to hand. She goes to Landerneau around twice a week to do her shopping.	Empowering appropriation
3. Travelling	To reach the platform, you have to walk down and come up again via an underpass. She struggles with her shopping trolley which does not run smoothly. She could have waited for the next train for La Forêt which stops on a platform on the same level, but it came half an hour later. Therefore, she preferred to take the underpass. She hauls up her shopping trolley step after step with great difficulty. She sets off alone; there is nobody else on the platforms.	Stoic fatalism
4. Travelling	A young woman finally arrives and helps her to carry her shopping trolley. She moves along the platform, as she knows that you get off at the front of the train for La Forêt. She gets on at the front of the train. A ticket inspector walks by; she asks him whether she is on the right train.	Opportunistic acceptance
5. Getting off the train	When getting off the train, she has to make several attempts to open the door. She hurries out as the train leaves the station very quickly. (Observation, Claudine, Landerneau–Brest TER, March 2014)	Stoic fatalism

Managerial implications

While ‘young senior’ consumers do not want to be included in the same category as elderly people too soon (and therefore do not wish to benefit from specific advantages), there are more disparities in the situation concerning older people. In the mobility sector, the SNCF markets targeted travel cards for seniors (while focusing their marketing campaign on seniors and successful ageing) and also markets offers for very elderly people who can be placed in the same category as mobility-impaired people. These offerings correspond to established categories (from healthy seniors to totally disempowered elderly people) and do not take account of the tensions experienced by elderly people when travelling.

Our research, by revealing the identity negotiations that take place during the journey, illustrates the risk of stigmatisation associated with offerings that target elderly people as vulnerable travellers in an overly simplistic manner. Two aspects can be managed by transport organisations: the staff in contact with customers and the means of transport. The contact staff are a reassuring presence for older people (especially in the opportunistic acceptance strategy). This human presence can be called upon for support during the journey according to the travellers’ wishes. On board a train, older people appreciate the visible presence of the train manager who can answer their questions during the course of journeys. This human presence, while essential, is not imposed. They are responsible for initiating it and can easily avoid it (in contrast, air travel assistance services are proposed before departure upon request, but the elderly people assisted are dependent on their helpers’ workload).

In addition, the type of transport offering can be designed to suit older people. The socio-material properties of certain modes of transport can be more easily adapted to meet the needs of older people. As TER trains are slower, smaller and more accessible (no booking required and seats situated near doorways) and make numerous stops in peri-urban and rural areas, they are easier to appropriate (than the more intimidating TGV trains). Specific offerings reserved for these modes of transport (all-inclusive prices, special offers and promotion of certain destinations) could be developed to encourage older people to travel. Multiple intermodal schemes (coaches, TER and TGV trains and car sharing) could also facilitate a more flexible approach to identity negotiation.

Table 6 sets out marketing proposals corresponding to the different strategies identified. The marketing rationale is no longer solely based on determined characteristics (physiological, in particular) of the ageing process but rather on a situation experienced by the passenger. This situation changes for a given passenger (who may switch from one strategy to another according to the journey being made, or even during the course of a single journey).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 6.

Marketing campaign according to identity-negotiation strategies in a mobility context.

	Stoic fatalism	Opportunistic acceptance	Empowering appropriation	Similar adequacy
Characteristics of the target	Older people who are no longer able to travel and experience difficulties	Older people who are unable to travel	Older people who have developed travelling routines	Active senior traveller
Key marketing issues	Reduce the ordeal and tensions related to the journey while maintaining a sense of freedom	Provide human support	Promote mobility as a competence	Do not assimilate them with (very) elderly people
Offering and associated services	Role of socio-material settings Obtaining tickets at agencies Ergonomics of equipment and devices to improve user-friendliness (walking sticks, self-service electric mobility carts) Options which can be activated during the course of the journey with a card (emergency assistance)	Booking system Presence of helpers throughout the entire journey Visible presence of SNCF staff Combined family offering with their children	Increasing the desire to travel Full-service travel agency Transportation by train and regional buses Travellers’ community Sightseeing tours by TER Transport loyalty cards	General offering common to other travellers

Limitations and avenues of research

This phenomenological research sheds light on identity-negotiation mechanisms among a group that is rarely the subject of research on consumption: the above 75s. It faces several limitations: it is restricted to one context (mobility) for characterising the difficulties experienced by elderly people and their identity negotiation processes. Moreover, it focuses on the observation of these groups without taking account of other stakeholders’ perceptions of their mobility (helpers and transport organisations).

This research could be combined with quantitative mechanisms enabling the measurement of the identity-negotiation strategies used by elderly people in more generic consumption contexts (food, leisure, health, distribution channels, etc.). In addition, future research could focus on the sequentiality of identity strategies to further develop the cycle notion mentioned in this research. Protocols based on verbalised observation could identify the tipping points that cause people to switch between the different strategies. They could also analyse the links between these different strategies according to the difficulties (cognitive and physical) encountered and the available resources (social and material). Favoured standard combinations could be identified. More generally, these studies could analyse the interactions between the identity-negotiation strategies and the marketing campaigns launched by transport companies. For example, our findings underline the role of a human presence for older people (particularly in the opportunistic acceptance strategy), and yet, many companies – including in the transport sector – transmit information via electronic platforms and mobile applications. Further research could study the mechanisms used by elderly people to adapt to these constraints. Do they use them instead of relying on a human presence? Do they facilitate their appropriation of the journey? Or on the contrary, do they reduce their mobility? How?

Our results also illustrate the role of socio-material settings in the environment of older people, which may facilitate their acceptance of their identity, but the conditions for their appropriation by older people have not yet been investigated. Future research projects could focus on the tools that facilitate this consumption role, whose design and ergonomics can shape the responses to identity-related issues and provide support for people approaching the end of their lives. Like the transitional objects that facilitate the development of children, they have considerable potential in terms of enabling elderly people to manage the final stage in their lives.

Finally, this research on older people opens up interesting avenues of research on the end of consumption. The ‘opportunistic acceptance’ strategy is a means of gradually abandoning the logic of empowerment by delegating one’s consumption capacity to other people. These strategies progressively shift the emphasis away from the means of consumption as the attention is focused exclusively on the final outcome (being transported). The mechanisms underlying this gradual withdrawal from the consumer society could be an interesting topic of study. These avenues of research may apply to people at the end of their lives, older people, people with disabilities or anyone who is at odds with the values of the consumer society. By transferring the responsibility for their personal consumption to other people, they engage other consumers in these interactions and generate new forms of negotiation.