Building Resilience in the Context of the Security Crisis in Burkina Faso: The Case of Internally Displaced Persons

How Did IDPs Arrive in the City?

The security crisis caused many people to flee several localities in Burkina Faso. Many found refuge in the cities of Ouahigouya and Bobo-Dioulasso. Most of these IDPs left behind their livelihoods and other belongings and found themselves in cities with nothing, as confirmed by the words of a widow: “It’s not easy when you’re a farmer and you leave everything behind to come and sit around doing nothing, and someone has to take care of you so you can earn a little food just to stay alive [. . .]. We pray; it’s not easy.” (Respondent). Another adds: “My husband had a lot of animals, but at the beginning of the situation, the terrorists came across him in the bush, murdered him, and left with all the animals [. . .]” (IDP widow).

According to CONASUR data, as of March 31, 2023, 147,134 IDPs had been registered in the municipality of Ouahigouya. Among these IDPs are vulnerable widows and children. It should be noted that some IDPs face gender-based violence (GBV). When terrorists arrive in villages, they target men. They kill them, leaving widows and orphans in distress. The following words illustrate this situation well: “Our husbands were killed, which brought us here [. . .]. All that remains is me, my co-wife, and our children. When we receive the money, I ask them to buy food so that we are not ashamed (to preserve our dignity); you see that your father is no longer here (addressing the children), so you too must do what is necessary to ensure that your little brothers do not go hungry” (IDP widow). Some elderly people are very depressed by this situation and weighed down by age, as indicated by the comments of one of our respondents:

[. . .] Our head of household is very old. When we arrived in Ouahigouya, he said he was old and could no longer go out or stop among the people to be counted [. . .] so he asked each of his wives to go and register in the name of his family (each woman and her children) (IDP).

This serious crisis, caused by widespread insecurity, compromises access to basic social services and livelihoods; it is a violation of the fundamental human rights of IDPs. The gravity of this unprecedented situation is classified as humanitarian (because human lives are at risk) in accordance with Law No. 012-2014/AN of Burkina Faso on the prevention and management of risks, humanitarian crises, and disasters.

“When we arrived here [. . .], the school was there! We came with none of our belongings. As for the children’s schooling, we were unable to bring any of their papers with us [. . .]. Last year, we went to ask for help with the children’s schooling and to obtain birth certificates so the children could return to school. We left in a hurry. We left our village amid the crackle of gunfire, unable to take any of our belongings [. . .]” (IDP).

The Difficult Life of IDPs

“We don’t have any activities in common; everyone fends for themselves” (Respondent). Such comments indicate that IDPs have opted for individual strategies to adapt to their situations. This means that to better understand their living conditions and ability to withstand adversity, they must be analyzed individually. This is what Weber recommends: “We cannot ignore the obvious fact that the real causes of social phenomena originate in individual actors, their actions, choices, decisions, motivations, attitudes, and beliefs.” (quoted by Boudon 2002: 9). If these IDPs adopt individual strategies, it can be justified by the absence of reception centers for them in Bobo-Dioulasso. Such reception centers would have made it possible to organize and monitor them more effectively. This situation leads to the emergence and pursuit of individual activities aimed at taking charge of their own lives. Indeed, IDPs choose to engage in activities that provide immediate income, especially those who do not live with host families, thus reinforcing the principle of individualism that underpins their behavior.

Furthermore, as there is no reception center, IDPs are housed at their own expense or with close relatives. With the arrival and settlement of IDPs, new problems arise for host families, as one respondent explains: “I have taken in nearly 56 people, can you imagine? When I buy a 50-kilogram bag of rice, it lasts three days.” De Jesus and Rendon (2017: 16) notes that:

The untimely arrival of new members reconfigures family relationships. Host family structures vary. New members inevitably trigger changes and can transform a nuclear family into a large family, increasing the number of people per household and abruptly changing the roles of its members.

As a result, in addition to the lack of shared activities, there are also difficulties with host families. In addition to the difficulties experienced by IDPs themselves, IDPs can be a “burden” to host families and, therefore, on society, as the latter is called upon to take care of them.

Resilience Strategies Supported by the Government

Faced with a dual security and humanitarian crisis, the population’s reflex is to turn to the state. IDPs in Bobo-Dioulasso rely on the state to ensure their physical safety, food security, and housing, thereby contributing fully to their resilience. The state is a fiduciary and an organized belief system (Bourdieu 2012), and trust in the state is particularly evident in times of crisis. The actions taken by the state to relieve IDPs and help them recover from the shock include providing temporary housing, distributing food and non-food items, and ensuring continuity of education and psychosocial care during emergencies.

One of the most serious problems facing IDPs is access to housing. The massive influx of victims of terrorism into urban centers has created a housing shortage, driving up rents. Displaced populations are falling back on precarious neighborhoods known as non-lotis, which are relatively more accessible. To alleviate this difficulty and respond to the emergency, the government’s strategy is to use public facilities, particularly schools and other public services and spaces, to temporarily accommodate the massive influx of IDPs arriving in the city.

When we arrived, social workers welcomed us to a school in Sector 13. They gave us mats, blankets, soap, buckets, and food. We stayed there for about two months. When the school was about to start, they moved us to a site where tents had been set up. There, we found some people from our village (IDP).

These remarks more or less describe the government’s intervention methodology. First, the aim is to address the urgent need for food and shelter by accommodating them in any public building. Next, they must be provided with relatively stable housing by moving them to sites set up for this purpose. The move to these reception sites takes into account the IDPs’ geographical and cultural proximity. This strategy aims to restore hope by reuniting people with their families, combating social isolation, and thus making life easier for IDPs in urban areas. Food allowances are distributed periodically according to a schedule set by CONASUR, which is responsible for humanitarian action. IDPs are organized by zone, and social educators are assigned responsibility for each zone. The state is therefore making efforts within the limits of its capabilities. Still, it is not a welfare state distributing benefits to all, but rather a social state (Castel 1995) ensuring protection against fundamental risks.

Beyond food and shelter, it should be noted that for some IDPs, one of the most urgent needs is psychological care. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR 2022) strongly emphasizes the need for urgent psychosocial support in situations of prolonged crisis. Indeed, given the trauma experienced by some IDPs in the face of gunfire, adequate psychological care is a major lever in the process of building their resilience.

When they [the terrorists] arrived, our husband was in the house, and I was coming back from the fountain. As soon as he came out, they shot him twice, and I fell in front of the courtyard. When I opened my eyes, I saw that our husband, his younger brother, and his eldest son had been killed. It’s very difficult; I’ve never seen anything like it. Since then, I haven’t been able to sleep at night (IDP, widow).

In such situations, psychosocial support is essential to help those affected regain their zest for life and find reasons to hope. Public officials, particularly social workers supported by expert psychologists and religious leaders, provide this support to IDPs according to needs identified in the field. For them, psychosocial support plays an important role in the recovery process of displaced populations, helping to rebuild a sense of security and belonging (Stein and Silove 2004; Fassin and Rechtman 2009). This support helps to heal souls fractured by violence and uprooting.

NGOs support the state in this effort by providing psychologists who offer individual consultations and group therapy sessions to treat disorders such as anxiety, depression, and stress. The focus is often on children, the youngest members of the community, and women, who are most exposed to trauma related to the conditions of their departure. Betancourt, Meyers-Ohki, Charrow et Tol (2013) emphasize the importance of providing psychological support to displaced children in light of the profound trauma they experience, which can affect their ability to learn.

Strategies Promoted by Non-Governmental Organizations

NGOs have played a decisive role in preserving the dignity of IDPs and, more generally, in building their resilience. Among the actions carried out, in addition to the allocation of food and non-food items, unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) occupy a prominent place. Data show that the means used to distribute cash to IDPs are direct hand-to-hand transfers, transfers via vouchers or coupons, and electronic transfers. The choice of transfer method is given to the beneficiaries. Direct payment refers to paying beneficiaries in physical cash (coins and banknotes), sometimes in envelopes. This payment method is generally used when the humanitarian organization manages distribution directly, without using a financial service provider. Regarding voucher-based transfers, some NGOs use partner merchants to distribute cash to IDPs. The invaluable contribution of unconditional cash transfers to IDPs’ resilience is evident, particularly in housing, health, and the continuity of their children’s education.

Thus, 67.47 percent of IDPs say they have rented houses with the cash transfers they have received. Indeed, cash transfers are increasingly used to address housing issues. Cash payments have proven effective in helping vulnerable households, particularly in urban areas, to meet rental costs, especially for those who have not been able to integrate into families. “Half of the money was used for rent,” said one respondent. “I am responsible for 29 people [. . .], and I rent a house that I pay 10,000 CFA francs a month for with the cash I received” (IDP). “I am responsible for 30 people [. . .], and I rent a house that I pay for with the money I received,” added another (comments from an IDP). These testimonies illustrate the relevance of these cash transfers in an urban context where the right to housing is a real nightmare for some displaced persons.

The results of our surveys also show that 73.49 percent of Multipurpose Cash Transfer (UCT) beneficiaries were able to send their children to school with the money they received. “We used the money to pay for the schooling of our three children,” says one IDP woman. This has helped to keep students in the school system in this area.

From a health perspective, the UCT enabled 92.77 percent of IDPs to cover the cost of medicines and hospitalization for their children and parents, as confirmed by an interviewee: “The money was used to care for the children and ourselves as adults” (statement by an IDP woman). Cash distribution is therefore an effective means of overcoming financial barriers to healthcare.

In the face of the prolonged crisis, cash transfers have helped some IDPs to recover and invest in income-generating activities (IGAs). This has enabled them to break free from financial dependence and become self-sufficient. In fact, 50.60 percent of the IDPs surveyed reported being engaged in IGE activities, either directly (the head of the household himself) or indirectly (other household members). They were mainly involved in trade, livestock farming, crafts, or gardening.

Relying on Family

Family appears to be a sure means of survival. Indeed, it is one of the factors considered in choosing where to settle. The choice of settlement location is often not random. As Boudon (2002) points out, methodological individualism “is thus combined with the Benthamite tradition, according to which individuals act under the influence of a ‘calculation of pleasures and pains’ or, in more modern language, a ‘cost-benefit analysis’ or ‘cost-benefit calculation’” (p. 10). Thus, when taking action, individuals evaluate the potential benefits. The advantage here for IDPs is that the family presents itself as an inevitable and valuable resource, providing housing, clothing, food, health care, and schooling for children. This is confirmed by the vast majority of respondents, who state that the presence of family members explains their choice of Bobo-Dioulasso. Most of them arrive at the home of a relative or friend (De Jesus and Rendon 2017). Similarly, the Observatory on Internal Displacement (2024: 9) states that “the vast majority of internally displaced persons in Africa do not live in camps or settlements but stay with family members or alone in host communities, which are then also affected by the displacement.” It is therefore the family network that is highlighted here. In the most complicated situations of their lives, IDPs turn to their families for help. The family bond is therefore decisive, as it is the first resource displaced persons turn to, depending on its extent and size. Thus, “They identify themselves by their territory, the river that runs through it, the village. They thus have something to share, something to talk about,” De Jesus and Rendon (2017: 153). For some, the family serves as a place of welcome upon arrival or a source of support, providing food, paying rent, and transferring cash to those who do not have families nearby.

In addition, the family promotes the integration of displaced persons by allowing them to feel at home, share their difficulties and experiences, and support them in developing activities. Tchehi Zananhi and Toukpo (2016) explain: “Reunions in a given place, between old friends from the past, or between brothers or comrades, or even people who come from the same region, the same village, or even the neighboring village, or people who speak the same dialect, contribute to the rapid integration of young people” (p. 14). Families are therefore not only points of reference but also places of reunion where people, on a daily basis, share their life stories and the events that led to their displacement, in search of comfort and support. For IDPs taken in by families, it is a matter of reuniting with their loved ones and leveraging their social connections to find things to do and, often, food.

A Bundle of Social Relationships to Reinvent Life in an Urban Environment

To recover from this security crisis, which has led to upheavals in both family structure and lifestyle, IDPs need to find effective and efficient means of doing so. To this end, De Jesus and Rendon (2017: 9) identified three elements that can contribute to this need: the social environment, which includes relationships based on friendship, neighborliness, and religiosity; the family environment, including emotional ties with the father, mother, and relatives; and finally, the strength of the individual, drawing on their personality or inner drive.

These three elements are, in one way or another, used to a greater or lesser extent to cope with their situations. Indeed, in their survival strategies, IDPs do not rule out any possibility that could help them. They turn to their family and friends, even those living elsewhere, for help. As one respondent said: “The women there, they have relatives in Côte d’Ivoire, who often help them with money.” Those with social networks should activate them to take advantage of their benefits. Social networks can lead to the intervention of several people, depending on need, as evidenced by some respondents’ comments: “having good relations with their neighbors” or “asking them for help if they need it, and they do not hesitate to come to their aid.” Here, it is the immediate circle who help, specifically the immediate neighbors, who are called upon. In some urban areas, however, IDPs are considered “foreigners” or “disruptors of the established order” by residents. (Assumani, 2020).

It is here that social capital, as a resource linked to the possession of a sustainable network of relationships (Bourdieu 1998), takes on its full meaning. Thus, in times of difficulty, recourse to social capital enables people to resist and survive. As a result, the situation of displaced persons leads them to use all forms of relationships. Moreover, as the city is an unfamiliar and often strange environment, any resource is welcome as long as it helps them survive, because “the social networks of displaced persons are central in these circumstances.” Eraso (2009: 72).

Among the resources and opportunities for additional income is the use of IDPs who are already settled in the city. Using these connections makes it easier to find work. As De Jesus and Rendon (2017) notes when analyzing the situation of displaced persons in Colombia: “It should not be forgotten that Afro-Colombian identity and solidarity are also an advantage for urban integration, as they find valuable support from their peers in adapting and embarking on their journey toward resilience a little more easily.” (p. 136). Those who settled in the city first, based on their seniority, serve as references for new arrivals and can accompany them in their urban integration. Assumani (2020) analyzes the situation of IDPs and their survival strategies with respect to connectivity and mobility. Connectivity is understood as the ability of a displaced person to join another person or group (or several others) that they consider useful for their socio-economic development and effective integration. Mobility, on the other hand, is understood as the movements IDPs undertake to mobilize contacts and resources as part of their daily survival strategies. Thus, they use connectivity and mobility strategies to cope with their situation. Newly settled IDPs turn to those who have been settled longer to find work or to handle administrative formalities.

While collective activities may not be solely set up and managed by IDPs, it should be noted that IDPs help each other in finding employment, even if these jobs do not generate substantial income. Despite its modest nature, this income enables IDPs to meet their basic needs and, at times, cope with other demands of urban life.