Environment & Urbanization

This paper investigates the multiple ways in which the lives of urban refugees are impacted by the presence of refugee camps. It builds on a growing body of literature on the urban refugee experience that recognizes the agency exercised in the rejection of the camp. But it also demonstrates how, in countries with an encampment policy, the presence of camps can limit urban refugees’ mobility and their ability to take advantage of all that urban life has to offer. It also highlights the consequences of the choice refugees must make between receiving humanitarian aid in a camp and living unassisted in an urban area. The paper draws on qualitative interviews with refugees in Ethiopia, Kenya and Jordan. It presents conclusions on the inadequacy of the international response, which fails to capitalize on the presence of displaced people in cities, to achieve the supposed policy goal of “self-reliance”.

The promotion of self-reliance for refugees is a well-established policy priority within the global refugee support regime, hosting states and for many refugee-supporting organizations. For urban refugees, there is growing recognition of needs as well as potential for self-reliance support. However, meaningful investments in and commitment to the objective of self-reliance remain insufficient and critiques of the concept as an empty buzzword are many and substantial. This is a dialogue between Kellie Leeson and Boel McAteer, in which they elaborate on empirical examples of self-reliance programmes as either beneficial (Kellie) or counterproductive (Boel) to achieving genuine self-reliance. They conclude that self-reliance can only be wholly achieved alongside full refugee rights. They provide novel views of the concept by framing self-reliance as temporal and pragmatic on the one hand, and, on the other, by highlighting that the “self” in self-reliance often becomes unrealistically accentuated for urban refugees.

Protracted displacement is one of the most complex and difficult humanitarian problems facing the international community today. This paper argues that urban protracted displacement deserves status as a distinct state of refugeehood, and that better analysis of the structural and individual barriers to economic inclusion of urban refugees and IDPs should underpin both incremental and radical policy response. The paper draws on a study of protracted displacement in four countries, Ethiopia, Jordan, Kenya and Afghanistan, to explore those barriers through application of the Displacement Economies Framework, a theoretical and programming tool developed through the research, to help rethink responses to protracted displacement in cities. The paper thus contributes to literatures on urban protracted displacement and to a gap in the research on displacement economies in cities, demonstrating that addressing structural and individual barriers is key to supporting the economic inclusion of displaced people in cities.

We critically examine a multi-year initiative led by Cities Alliance with municipalities and civil society groups in Somaliland, Kenya, Uganda, and Ethiopia to respond to refugees and migration. Adapting Goffman’s work, we posit that in ambiguous and resource-scarce political environments, network success rests on supporting two “frontstages” and a shared “backstage”. On stage one, authorities “visibilize” refugees to attract funding and national support while shaping national-level norms. On stage two they make refugees “invisible” within their own development strategies, integrating displaced populations into urban planning through data collection, service investments, and inclusive strategies. In an experimental and collaborative backstage, municipal actors share resources and workshop varied scripts for their respective audiences. The initiative has lessened host–refugee tensions, strengthened municipal voices in national and regional policy fora, fostered local accountability, and created financial and bureaucratic resources better able to outlast the vagaries of humanitarian or emergency aid.

There is growing recognition of the challenges faced by internally displaced people as well as the potential for subnational actors to contribute to durable solutions. Despite this, we know little about local government responses, both in theory and practice. This paper draws on governance theories, practitioner experience and secondary literature to analyse the governance context, processes and interactions that shape the experience of internal displacement in eastern Ukraine between 2014 and 2022. It argues that nascent relationships built between internally displaced people and local governments in eastern Ukraine reveal the possibility of bottom-up state-led responses. The paper intervenes in debates around rebuilding a “social contract” as a mechanism for resolving displacement, demonstrating why attention must be paid to how this occurs at local levels in places of refuge.

Protracted displacement turns what should be a temporary protection status, asylum, into a long-term process that defines the existence of millions of people. The unresolved causes of displacement, a flawed asylum system and restrictive refugee policies all force refugees to inhabit a state of temporariness in cities. We discuss the unfulfilled potential of Eritrean refugees in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and show how urban migration becomes part of a waiting game on a journey towards the realization of this potential. Using Brun’s concept of agency-in-waiting, we illustrate how Eritrean refugees use their agency in cities, finding ways to remain hopeful, circumvent restrictions and prepare for unpredictable futures. Our findings challenge the dominant discourse on Addis Ababa as a transit space where Eritreans remain inactive and unproductive, idly waiting for resettlement. Rather, they work towards their ultimate goal – to establish a secure life with full rights, wherever this might be.

Cities and towns are critical geographies of refuge for a globally unprecedented number of forcibly displaced people. Yet urban processes also expose these groups and the local urban poor to recurrent displacements. While such experiences are shared, studies often treat these populations as distinct. Drawing on Yiftachel’s notion of displaceability, this paper systematically reviews and synthesizes a global literature on diversely displaced people’s placemaking in urban public space. Observing a significant analytical gap regarding cities of the so-called global South, the paper identifies a heuristic, and key analytical dimensions shaping divergent access and uses of public space by variously displaced populations. These concern: temporal patterns; powerful meta-narratives of people and place; and complex multi-scalar and multi-actor configurations of regulatory regimes governing public space. Simultaneously, acquisition and deployment of urban knowledge and a practice of (in)visibility enable differentially displaced populations’ everyday claims to public space for wellbeing.

This study seeks to understand the working dynamics through which Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) responds to the challenges of protracted displacement in the city, focusing particularly on the concept of “tactical urbanism” (TU) as a tool and framework. This could be broadly useful to key actors in reconsidering response strategies, strengthening the role of local administrations. The research adopted a qualitative data collection and analysis framework via participatory forums and key informant interviews, steered by guiding research questions. Findings reveal the presence of interconnected multi-scale limitations, opportunities and roles that determine GAM’s response towards displacement and constrain its ability to act within a comprehensive planning rationale. Instead, GAM is driven towards TU as an alternative approach that mitigates these determinants and offers a means for more responsive, constructive action. It is argued that TU affords a more agile response towards displacement, enhancing community engagement, innovation, resilience and identity.

The private rental market is a key provider of housing to forced migrants. This paper examines qualitative data from case study research in rapidly urbanizing towns in the Biqa’ Valley, Lebanon, focusing on Syrian forced migrants’ efforts to access housing through the local private rental sector. Building on literature about landlord–tenant relations and anthropological work on kin, I argue that rental agreements ought to be understood as both financial and social arrangements, which involve family members, landlords and middlemen (shaweesh) in complex rental ecologies. I find that young Syrians are caught up in evolving financial and social obligations, which make inhabitation possible, but which perpetuate gendered and xenophobic forms of dispossession. I argue that humanitarian and development actors advocating for the right of forced migrants to settle in urban areas ought to avoid perpetuating reliance on an inequitable private rental sector.

Since the Syrian conflict began in 2011, Lebanon has maintained an incomplete vision for its most recent wave of refugees, specifically through its “zero-camp” policy for displaced Syrians. However, it has provided no alternative shelter. In a country with no comprehensive affordable housing scheme, this has led displaced Syrians to seek informal ways of accessing spaces of refuge on their own and UNHCR to become the leading humanitarian organization in helping the most vulnerable refugees access shelter. The research reported in this field note, drawing on interviews, discussions, participant observation and analysis of secondary data, investigates how these displaced Syrians have accessed shelter and tenure in two upscale neighbourhoods in Beirut, navigating a delicate balance of legal, social, economic and spatial factors shared by both the displaced and local communities. The situation has been further complicated by Beirut’s historic sectarian divisions. The findings of the study provide an update on Syrian refugee self-settlement after the 2019 economic crisis in well-to-do neighbourhoods in Beirut, challenging the assumption that the shelter available to refugees in privileged areas might provide greater security in dire economic times.

This paper revisits the case of Canaan – a massive informal settlement that emerged in the wake of the devastating 2010 earthquake in Haiti – in order to examine the often-forgotten aftermath of international aid programming in an urban, fragile-state context. Originally categorized as an (informal) internal displacement site, Canaan continued to expand in the years following the quake, reaching an estimated population of 300,000 by 2016. Using a qualitative case study of Canaan conducted nearly 15 years after its creation, the paper makes two interrelated arguments: first, that the ways in which the United Nations’ “durable solutions” framework is frequently understood and applied may be unrealistic and even deleterious for state–society relations in some fragile urban contexts. Second, even calls to shift (urban) internal displacement programming to a more development footing is far from a panacea if these interventions are not designed to be more politically nuanced, context-sensitive and modest about what can be achieved in such complex environments.

There is growing scholarly interest in notions of ecological gentrification – whereby environmental improvements drive up real estate prices, with the subsequent displacement of low-income residents – particularly in the global North. Drawing on an integrative review of extant literature on African urbanism, urban greenery encroachment and gentrification, this paper argues that the Western notion of ecological gentrification has little or no application in African cities, which are confronted with rapid encroachment on urban wetlands amidst burgeoning urbanization and its attendant increasing demand for property development. We conceptualize the African variant on ecological gentrification as “wetland gentrification”. It occurs when land scarcity and rising property values in African cities cause indiscriminate depletion of urban wetlands for property development, leading to the destruction of ecological resources and displacement of human populations. This paper discusses, among other topics, the implications of wetland gentrification for urban governance and vice versa.

The notion of “oil cities” is typically considered antithetical to industrialization, growth and development. This paper frames a symposium on Hou Li’s (2021) latest book, Building for Oil, which questions this imbroglio. The book’s central argument is that the oil city of Daqing drove industrialization in China from the 1960s to the 1970s. The industrialization and the self-sufficiency that Daqing symbolized in Chinese socialist economic planning became the template for that particular period of history. While that model was subsequently modified, its developmentalist ideology, its industrial policy and its urban experience – collectively called “the Daqing model” – cannot be overlooked in the analysis of oil cities. In this sense, the book is not simply about Daqing but also about a consequential city that provides lessons – distilled by the six authors in this book symposium.

This review provides a brief introduction and examination of Hou Li’s book Building for Oil: Daqing and the Formation of the Chinese Socialist State. It highlights the historical background of the book, identifies its research questions and summarizes its key themes. The review concludes with a discussion of the book’s distinctive contributions and critiques that may further enrich the analysis or inspire future book projects on the subject.

Daqing in China is well-known as a, if not the, “Chinese oil city”. However, the reasons behind its importance for the People’s Republic of China and the origins of its current spatial organization remain unclear. “How was such growth achieved against the backdrop of the so-called de-urbanization processes? What was occurring at the local level? What happened to the people of my parents’ generation?” Hou Li, a leading Chinese urban scholar, addresses these questions in her latest book, Building for Oil, explaining how the lowering of urban construction standards to the level of rural ones, the focus of investments on production, and the reliance on individual commitment led to China’s unprecedented growth. Despite the absence (or the concealment) of a critical opinion on the part of the author on the events and decisions described, this contribution is of particular importance to understand the path leading to contemporary China.

This essay critically examines Building for Oil, a comprehensive study of the Daqing Oil Field and its role in the evolution of China’s socialist state. It acknowledges the narrative’s intricate exploration of Daqing’s role in China’s early-stage industrialization, highlighting its unique approach to urbanization and worker-peasant village formation, and Daqing’s symbolic significance in reflecting Communist ideals and Mao Zedong’s revolutionary ethos. However, this essay also identifies critical gaps in the book’s narrative, notably the absence of pronounced connections between Daqing’s historical significance and contemporary China’s economic and energy infrastructure. The review argues for the necessity of incorporating discussions on the evolution of China’s economic model, energy transition and the role of technocracy and leadership in shaping these dynamics. Concluding, the review acknowledges the book’s significance while highlighting areas for further exploration to enrich the narrative, particularly in the context of China’s ongoing transformation and global impact.

Reflecting on the reviews for Building for Oil, the author responds by discussing the strengths and weaknesses of the book’s holistic approach. The author acknowledges the challenges of maintaining a balance among national, local and personal levels of events. Her response concludes by addressing questions of sustainability, drawing attention to the human stories within extreme situations of industrialization and modernization, and expressing gratitude for the thought-provoking questions raised by the reviewers. The author aims to engage a broader readership and provoke thoughtful consideration of the complexities surrounding the outcomes of extreme policies.