Economic and Industrial Democracy

How does plant closure affect the employment and well-being of displaced workers? This article presents the results of two surveys of workers at five manufacturing plants two and 11 years after mass layoffs. After two years, two-thirds of displaced workers had been re-employed, one in five workers was still unemployed, and one in 10 workers had retired. A decade after the plant closures, unemployment had fallen below 5%. Overall, post-displacement outcomes in Switzerland were more favourable than in other European plant closures. However, age disparities loomed large. Older workers struggled to find new jobs and often had to accept large wage cuts and unstable jobs. In particular, many workers in their late forties and early fifties were hit hard as they were too young to benefit from early retirement, but too old to start over.

This article assesses the political dynamics behind labour standards reform attempts and their divergent outcomes in Lebanon and Tunisia during the neoliberal era according to a success/failure and flexibility/security configuration. It emphasises the interconnection of three power resources. Institutional legacies mattered for organised labour’s influence on these reforms. Having already had access to formal channels of decision-making since the 1970s, Tunisian labour effectively used these channels during the 1990s reforms. Such channels were not historically well-developed for Lebanese labour and were critical in the reform failure. Furthermore, thanks to its ideational power (i.e. legitimacy), Tunisian organised labour was part of the political coalition of reform. Consequently, Tunisian labour was successful in gaining some job security privileges in exchange for flexibility. Conversely, Lebanese organised labour lacked such legitimacy, which contributed to their exclusion from the political coalition. Instead, employers used their informal channels (e.g. networks) with the political coalition’s elites to halt job security reform.

The labour market dualisation theory claims that labour unions bargain against the interests of temporary workers and that they foster inequalities between temporary and permanent employees. Conversely, the industrial relations literature argues that unions commonly follow solidaristic strategies towards outsiders. This study contributes to the literature by analysing unions’ associations with temporary workers’ hourly wages and the wage gap between permanent and temporary workers in Spain: one of the most prominent examples of labour market dualisation. By analysing cross-sectional surveys, unions’ influence through works councils, collective agreements and union density are studied during a period of economic growth (2006–2007) and a period of recession (2008–2010). Results show that there is generally no association between these three institutions and wage differences between permanent and temporary workers. The associations with temporary workers’ wages are insignificant or positive during both the period of economic growth and the period of recession.

The mobilisation of new distance-based technologies that permit the governance of platform workers’ behaviour constitutes a watershed in the organisation of work and a transformation of the grammar of wage-earning society. Employing a qualitative methodology, this article analyses Spanish riders’ (delivery couriers) experiences of these psychopolitical mechanisms. The results show that the neoliberal and entrepreneurial dispositive deployed by digital platforms induces new rationalities of self-governance that are characterised by productive self-optimisation and self-surveillance. However, the analysis also found that the interpellation of the dispositive and its technologies of subjectivation were not homogeneous across all of the study participants. The article describes the characteristics and argumentative positions of three groups of riders whose sociostructural position shaped their experiences and engagement with the platforms as well as resistance to control mechanisms and disciplinary processes.

The literature on migrant workers generally indicates limited worker collectivism. Based on a comparative study of two Danish platform companies, however, this article shows how digital migrant networks are a crucial social infrastructure in precarious working environments. Using a novel conceptual framework that differentiates between collective strategies of coping and resistance, we show that collective resistance can spring from migrant networks. This foregrounds an understanding of how collectivism underpinned by strong migrant networks can wax and wane, which broadens our understanding of collectivism as a dynamic practice. The study’s findings underscore the importance of political networks as a foundation for strategies of resistance, the value of network embeddedness, and the effects of particular migrant and employment characteristics on collective strategies.

Can the Nordic wage-setting model, where social partners decide wages through collective agreements, counteract a growing low-paid sector? This article tests four definitions of low-paid jobs to analyze whether this sector has grown for the period 2005–2020 in Sweden. Despite policy changes pointing towards growth, all definitions show a slight decrease in low-paid jobs over time. The authors argue that the industrial relations system, with the aim of keeping the industry wage increases in check to aid export competitiveness, also sets a uniform level wage that limits low-paid jobs. It is also found that low pay in the Swedish setting is partly a result of working less than full-time or having unstable employment, and service workers and those with low education are becoming increasingly common in this position.

Cooperatives are seen as the bedrock of democratic control and an alternative to capitalist enterprises but also as sites of ‘degeneration’ of democratic values and hopes. In this article, the authors conceptualize that cooperatives are a prime example of a paradoxical organization, which must deal with the organizing paradox of democracy and hierarchy. Based on a multiple case study of 14 cooperatives in Germany, the authors unfold four different ways of handling this organizing paradox, ranging from upholding a grassroots democracy to seemingly uncontested forms of autocracy. Their typology demonstrates that participatory practices are not determined by the size of the cooperative or the sector in which it operates. Furthermore, it highlights the importance of participation and democracy as sensemaking devices, which fosters reflections on the organizing paradox and its handling and subsequently on the promises and pitfalls of cooperatives as ‘imperfect democracy’.

Drawing on an extended critical case study of the Greater Manchester (GM) city region in the UK, this article contributes to debates around the changing role of social actors within local labour markets, and how they contribute to processes of regulatory experimentation and innovation. While recent literature has drawn attention to new actors and novel strategies in responding to labour market disruptions, in this article the authors argue that there is still room for embedded actors and established practices in defending, and advancing, decent minimum standards. This may be through political lobbying, workplace organising, industrial action, extending collectively agreed standards to outsourced workers, or through hybrid forms of trade union–community campaigning. Against a wider background of labour market de-regulation, the authors’ case study points to the layering up of increasingly fluid and context-specific repertoires of conflict and cooperation that shape labour market ‘norms’ and legitimise particular progressive causes within local rather than national capitalisms.

In this article the authors investigate how high unemployment and sustained economic crisis influence employee beliefs regarding their employers’ psychological contract (PC) obligations. Based on 32 semi-structured interviews with Greek white-collar employees, the authors compare PC changes among workers with pre-crisis work experience and others whose entire work lives coincide with the crisis. The majority of participants perceive their employer to exploit the crisis, demanding more of workers while offering them less. Those participants who remained with their pre-crisis employer held more positive perceptions. At the same time, social comparison and sense of gratitude influence how individuals interpret their employee–employer obligations. These factors buffer how individuals interpret their employer’s PC fulfillment in the crisis economy.

This study examines the relationship between flexicurity policies and work–life balance, addressing the research question ‘How do higher flexicurity efforts in a country relate to employee perceptions of work–life balance?’ The European Commission adopted flexicurity in 2007 and proposed employment quality as an expected outcome. Work–life balance, a dimension monitored as part of employment quality, has so far been assumed as an implicit outcome of flexicurity, but no empirical research is dedicated to the topic per se. In this article the authors construct a composite indicator to proxy for national flexicurity efforts following the European Commission’s guidelines. For work–life balance and other individual characteristics, the authors employ data on about 74,000 EU27 employees from the three latest waves of the European Working Conditions Survey. First, findings show that the between-country differences in work–life balance were narrower in 2015 compared to 2005. Second, the multilevel analysis suggests that the higher a country scores as regards its flexicurity policies, the likelier its citizens are to report having a work–life balance.

The intractable challenges faced by female mine workers have come to dominate the discourse and scholarship on artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) operations. However, the extensive focus on the informal and labour-intensive segments has engendered a failure to capture the nuances in the duality of ASM operations and how it impacts female outcomes. Drawing on intersectionality as a lens, in this article the authors map the dynamics on how issues related to the gender, situatedness and positionality of female mine workers interact to shape their situated labour outcomes. Highlighting the differentiated outcomes for female mine workers within the contingencies of the broader socio-cultural context in which ASM work is organised, the article sheds light on how the social identity structures such as gender, sexuality and class interact to give form to the marginalisation, occupational roles, the ‘boom town’ narrative and occupational and health challenges that characterise the ASM gendered economic space.

This article explores recent trade union efforts in Ireland to re-engage activists and members and promote revitalization following the termination of a 22-year period of tripartite social partnership. It analyses four case studies of major unions’ strategies to involve activists and members in a workplace-anchored model of firm-level collective bargaining. The findings indicate that decentralized bargaining has become the preferred model of pay determination for Irish unions, and they express little interest in returning to national-level centralized bargaining. Union leaders are enthusiastic about company-level bargaining primarily for three reasons. First, it revitalizes unions by sustaining and expanding union membership at the workplace. Second, it supports local bargaining arrangements that produce tangible benefits for workers, showcasing the effectiveness of unions in advocating for their members. Third, workplace arrangements enhance union influence over management decision-making, both directly through firm-level collective bargaining and indirectly by fostering incentives for continuous dialogue and information exchange.

Union decline and the ‘representation gap’ are two commonly recognised and interrelated phenomena. Numerous proposals have been made to solve this double-sided problem. One of the most radical is to conceive of a union default, where the default position is union membership. This article seeks to understand how employee beliefs about the consequences of union membership, both positive and negative, would influence whether (i) workers would support or oppose a union default, and (ii) workers would maintain membership once defaulted into it given the availability of an opt-out. The findings show that workers’ beliefs about the consequences of a union default have a major impact on whether they support or oppose a default and would stay in membership or opt out. The article draws out the implications for public policy makers seeking to introduce a union default.

Māori, New Zealand’s Indigenous people, are projected to make up over 20% of the New Zealand workforce in 20 years. Employment plays a big role in determining one’s well-being. Drawing on data from 2,378 Māori who completed the survey-based Māori Identity and Financial Attitudes Study in 2017, this article examines differences in subjective well-being between workers in three categories: paid employees, employers (who employ staff) and sole traders (with no employees). Several measures are used to capture well-being across multiple domains. Sole traders were significantly more satisfied with their standard of living and health and higher in self-efficacy compared to paid employees. Māori employers were significantly more satisfied with their standard of living, future security and personal relationships, and reported greater self-esteem and financial satisfaction than sole traders and paid employees. Although only one cultural context is examined, this article demonstrates the potential benefit of understanding the implications of self-employment for Indigenous peoples.

This research focuses on democratic organizations and the risk of degeneration. The author studies how horizontal management may maintain a democratic organization’s stability through the examination of a Belgium food cooperative with democratic governance. The article reaches two main conclusions. First, it concludes with a simple empirical finding: horizontal organization does not necessarily prevent degeneration. However, it stresses that implementing horizontal management in democratic organizations allows for daily members’ politicization and then the organization’s pluralization. Second, it proposes a theoretical contribution for a better understanding of democratic degeneration. In a horizontally organized structure, the degeneration process differs from what is typically noted in the literature, as it is triggered by the politicization of the members. Therefore, an agonistic reinterpretation of the traditional degenerative stages is proposed: (1) fusion, (2) pluralization, (3) conflictualization, and (4) centralization.