Journal of Contemporary History

This article deals with two prominent figures in the historiography of twentieth-century European forced migrations: Eugene Kulischer and Joseph Schechtman. Their studies, although published between 1946 and 1962, are still among the standard works on the subject and are as yet unsurpassed in their scope and breadth of outlook, despite the flurry of new publications on the subject after the opening of East Central European archives after 1989. In this article I strive to explain how and why they were able to accomplish such a scholarly feat, paying special attention to their biographies which I have tried to reconstruct, using, for the first time, not only their own writings but also personal testimonies from their students and disparate archival sources located in the United States and Israel. I also discuss the strengths and weaknesses of their works by comparing them with more recent works on the same subject. This is, to my knowledge, the first attempt to reconstruct on the basis of archival evidence the lives and works of the two most important historians of a phenomenon whose impact on the overall history of Europe (and especially of its East Central part) is now generally recognized.

The diversity of transnational interrelations within the peace movement has been commonly overlooked in studies on the anti-war struggle in the interwar years. Consequently, these studies have often provided an over-simplified view of the formation of anti-war ideologies, worldviews, and objectives. Contrary to this tendency, this article examines Albert Einstein's engagement with the peace movement in a way that emphasizes its transnational facets. Associating Einstein's worldview with ideas that were prevalent in transnational organizations in the decade preceding the second world war, it explains the scientist's propensity to endorse seemingly incompatible ideas as inherent to the nature of these organizations. Focusing on his relationships with two apparently contradictory organizations – the War Resisters’ International and The New Commonwealth Society – I argue that Einstein's views reflect a set of principles that were held by many supporters of both organizations. Mainly, these principles constituted a revision of nineteenth-century liberal thought which sought to marginalize the impact of nationalist sentiments, redefine the social responsibilities of the state, and restrict its sovereignty. Thus, shifting the emphasis to the transnational aspects of the peace movement would not only make sense of Einstein's ‘confused’ politics, but also shed new light on interwar pacifism, its objectives, popularity, and enduring influence.

In the last four years of his life the eclectic veteran of British Marxism, H.M. Hyndman (1842–1921), was intimately involved in a transatlantic socialist effort to destroy the Russian Bolshevik regime. Historians have rarely investigated this effort, because it appears not to fit into the customary categories constructed about Marxian socialism. Utilizing Hyndman's extensive published writings and hitherto mostly ignored private correspondence with his many American socialist collaborators, this article reconstructs Hyndman's thinking on Russia after 1917 in an attempt to shed further light on our understanding of socialist anti-Bolshevism in Britain and in the United States. It argues that Hyndman was a much more influential figure in the construction of socialist anticommunism in the English-speaking world (in particular in the United States) than has been generally recognized. His writings and activities in 1917–21 were key not only in setting the ideological bases for much of the English-speaking world's socialist anticommunism but in pioneering the abiding, considered willingness by a significant section of its adherents to use military force to destroy the Soviet regime before and during the Cold War.

Estonia, where influential major powers have often had competing interests, is able to provide a specific example of how involvement from foreign countries can influence the collapse of democracy. Both the undemocratic Soviet Union, with 150 times the population of Estonia, and 60 times more populous Germany, which had become undemocratic in 1933, were seen in Estonia as security risks. In contrast to this, the democratic United Kingdom was seen as Estonia's best friend. The United Kingdom and Germany were also Estonia's main trading partners. But London was primarily concerned to limit the influence of Germany in the Baltic States, and Estonia's internal situation was of interest in this context. The co-operation by Estonian socialists with Moscow undoubtedly aggravated the Estonian domestic political situation, but the initiators of this co-operation were more the Estonian socialists themselves. Germany's attempts to influence Estonian domestic politics were of a limited nature. But there is no doubt that events in Germany had a major influence on Estonia's domestic politics.

In the early 1930s the fascist authorities took the decision to celebrate the 2000-year anniversary of Augustus’ birth, scheduled for 1937–8. The celebrations constituted the pinnacle of fascism’s identification with romanità and underlined Mussolini's growing tendency to identify with an 'imperial' imagery. They also constituted a crucial landmark in the regime's effort to portray Rome as the sacred centre of a new universal political religion. In this article I focus on the two landmark architectural-urbanistic projects in the context of the Bimillenario that were eventually fused into one: the reconfiguration of Augustus’ Mausoleum and its surrounding zone; and the excavation and reconstruction of the Ara Pacis Roman temple. The extravagant programme of architectural-urbanistic interventions in an area of profound archaeological importance inside the historic centre of Rome provides a case-study for assessing the regime’s growing tendency to use architecture and conspicuous, lavish urban planning as acts of 'framing' the past in new 'sacred' locations where space and time interpenetrated. Through projects such as the Augusteo-Ara Pacis the fascist regime aimed to transform the ‘framed’ relics of the Roman palimpsest into 'sacred' access points of a new, decidedly futural and universal temporality.

This article juxtaposes three types of illegitimate motherhood that came in the wake of the second world war in nazi Germany. The first found institutional support in the Lebensborn project, an elite effort to raise the flagging birth-rates, which at the same time turned a new page in the history of sexuality. The second came before the lower courts in the form of paternity and guardianship suits that had a long precedent, and the third was a social practice that the regime considered a ‘mass crime' among its female citizenry: namely, forbidden unions between German women and prisoners of war. Through these cases the article addresses issues such as morality, sexuality, paternity, citizenship and welfarism. The flesh-and-blood stories have been culled from the Lebensborn Dossiers and Special Court files, as well as cases from the lower courts.

Despite there being no recruitment office in Palestine, dozens of members of the local Communist Party, mainly Jews, left the country to take part in the Spanish Civil War. First, this article examines the political and social circumstances which influenced individuals’ decisions to volunteer. The Palestine Communist Party operated illegally. A combination of pressure from the British mandate authorities, hostility from the Zionist establishment and acute internal disputes, following the party’s participation in the Arab Revolt in Palestine (1936–9), created strong push factors that encouraged many Party members to leave the country. The article also examines the volunteers’ ideological motivation and the transport and support networks that were necessary to bring them to the war zone. By exploring these issues, the article seeks not only to illuminate the particular case of the volunteers from Palestine, but also to make a contribution to the comparative study of foreign volunteers in modern conflicts.

The second world war witnessed widespread conflict in British industry, notably in mining. We review the role of the Independent Labour Party (ILP), a small revolutionary socialist organization, focusing on its work in the trade unions. Its development is discussed in the light of recent claims that, with the Communist Party (CP) pledged to national unity after Hitler’s invasion of Russia, the ILP generated and harnessed militancy in the mines around demands for their immediate nationalization under workers’ control. We discuss the organization, policy and personnel of the party at the outbreak of war. Its approach to agitation in the unions is analysed and compared with that of the Communists and Trotskyists. Its activity in the coalfields throughout the war is assessed. We conclude that strikes in coal and other industries were motivated by workplace problems, not aspirations for workers’ control. Disputes reflected conventional discontents exacerbated by wartime conditions rather than opposition to the war or demands for ‘a socialist Britain now’. The ILP was ill-equipped to mobilize grievance and its role in its articulation was marginal. By 1945 its efforts in industry had failed to arrest its decline – the CP again provides instructive comparison – or improve its electoral prospects.

This article reviews the changes that took place in de Gaulle’s perception of Israel. It illustrates that the traditional interpretations in the literature are not precise. It identifies three distinct phases: A. Until the mid-1960s, de Gaulle valued the Jewish state and regarded it as balanced and moderate. B. Between 1963 and 1967, de Gaulle started to think of Israel as acting irresponsibly and contributing to the instability in the Middle East as a result of Israel’s retaliation policy. C. After the Six Day War, an additional shift occurred in the way de Gaulle saw Israel. He began to regard the country as imperialistic and amoral. He implied on more than one occasion that he attributed this to the ‘Jewish’ qualities of the Israeli nation.