Perception

Adults’ ability to match identity in images of unfamiliar faces is impaired for other- compared with own-race faces; their ability to match identity in images of familiar faces is independent of face race. Exposure to within-person variability in appearance plays a key role in face learning. Past research suggests that children need exposure to higher levels of variability than adults to learn a new face—a difference that has been attributed to experience. We predicted that adults’ limited experience with other-race faces would result in their needing exposure to higher levels of variability when learning other- compared with own-race faces. We introduced adults to four new identities (two own-race; two other-race) in one of the three conditions: a single image, a low-variability video (filmed on 1 day), or a high-variability video (filmed across 3 days). Adults’ ability to recognize new instances of learned identities improved in the low-variability condition for own-race faces but only in the high-variability condition for other-race faces. We discuss learning mechanisms that might drive this difference—a difference we attribute to experience.

Human observers make errors when predicting what is visible in a mirror. This is true for perception with real mirrors as well as for reasoning about mirrors shown in diagrams. We created an illustration of a room, a top-down view, with a mirror on a wall and objects (nails) on the opposite wall. The task was to select which nails were visible in the mirror from a given position (viewpoint). To study the importance of the social nature of the viewpoint, we divided the sample (N = 108) in two groups. One group (n = 54) were tested with a scene in which there was the image of a person. The other group (n = 54) were tested with the same scene but with a camera replacing the person. Participants were instructed to think about what would be captured by a camera on a tripod. This manipulation tests the effect of social perspective-taking in reasoning about mirrors. As predicted, performance on the task shows an overestimation of what can be seen in a mirror and a bias to underestimate the role of the different viewpoints, that is, a tendency to treat the mirror as if it captures information independently of viewpoint. In terms of the comparison between person and camera, there were more errors for the camera, suggesting an advantage for evaluating a human viewpoint as opposed to an artificial viewpoint. We suggest that social mechanisms may be involved in perspective-taking in reasoning rather than in automatic attention allocation.

Sensory receptors were described and illustrated after they had been observed with the aid of microscopes. Most descriptions were made in the 19th century after the introduction of achromatic lenses in microscopes. In some senses (like vision), receptors were named according to their morphology whereas in others (like touch), they are known by the names of those who initially described them. Illustrations of the receptors from original sources are here combined with portraits of their originators.

Times for recognition of fruity flavors in six gummy candies were measured using an electromyography-based system in 23 young healthy participants. They were instructed to chew one of the gummy candies at a random order and to press a button as soon as possible when they recognized what flavor was. The measured 181 recognition times showed two distributions, normally (n = 107) and non-normally (n = 74). The overall average of the normal distribution was 7.5 seconds (±2.34 seconds; standard deviation), and there were no differences in the average ratios among the gummy candies. Eighteen of the participants reported 41 inconsistent reports with flavors that were provided by the manufacturer. The most frequently observed report was an apple-flavored gummy candy (14, 34.1%) mainly for a pear-flavored. However, there was no significant correlation between the numbers of recognition times and those of inconsistent flavors among the used gummy candies.

Although people have made clay pots for millennia, little behavioral research has explored how they do so. We were specifically interested in potters’ use of auditory, haptic, and visual feedback. We asked what would happen if one or two of these sources of feedback were removed and potters tried to create pots of a given height, stopping when they thought they had reached that height. We asked students in a pottery class to build simple clay vessels either when they had full sensory feedback (in the control condition for all participants) or when they had reduced input from one modality (in Experiment 1) or two modalities (in Experiment 2). Participants were asked to stop building the vessels when they thought the vessels were 5 in. high. We found that participants produced shorter vessels when one or more forms of sensory feedback was reduced. The degree of shortening did not depend on the type or number of reduced sensory channels. The results are consistent with a control hypothesis where potters must have learned how to use sensory feedback from the modalities to help them control their ceramic creations. The results help highlight the importance of the intimate connections between perception and action.

In a recently published work by our group [Scientific Reports, 7, 7189 (2017)], we performed experiments of visual distance perception in two dark rooms with extremely different reverberation times: one anechoic (T ∼ 0.12 s) and the other reverberant (T ∼ 4 s). The perceived distance of the targets was systematically greater in the reverberant room when contrasted to the anechoic chamber. Participants also provided auditorily perceived room-size ratings which were greater for the reverberant room. Our hypothesis was that distance estimates are affected by room size, resulting in farther responses for the room perceived larger. Of much importance to the task was the subjects’ ability to infer room size from reverberation. In this article, we report a postanalysis showing that participants having musical expertise were better able to extract and translate reverberation cues into room-size information than nonmusicians. However, the degree to which musical expertise affects visual distance estimates remains unclear.

Grapheme-color synesthetes experience a sense of color when viewing graphemes (e.g., digits and letters). Traditionally, these synesthetic perceptions are considered to be unidirectional, where viewing a grapheme elicits a nonveridical sensation of color, but viewing a color does not induce a reciprocal sense of a grapheme. A growing body of research has emerged that suggests the potential for bidirectional percepts, wherein color facilitates additional grapheme perception. We present here a novel paradigm in which we presented two sets of pure color patches, based on synesthete’s reported colors, side-by-side and asked participants to indicate the color patch with the greater affiliated magnitude. Results indicated that the odds of answering correctly on trials were significantly greater for synesthetes (80.2% accuracy) than nonsynesthetes (52.1% accuracy). These results are aligned with other reports that support the notion of inducing a sense of magnitude from color in synesthetes. These findings challenge the traditional model of synesthesia as a unidirectional phenomenon and have implications of the neuronal communications that underlie perception in general.