Language and Speech

Speech perception, a daily task crucial for social interaction, is often performed after sleep deprivation (SD). However, there is only scant research on the effects of SD on real-life speech tasks. Speech-processing models (FUEL, ELU) suggest that challenging listening conditions require a greater allocation of cognitive resources, while ideal listening conditions (speech in quiet) require minimal resources. Therefore, SD, which reduces cognitive reserve, may adversely affect speech perception under challenging, but not ideal, conditions. The goal of this study was to test this, manipulating the extent of available resources (with/without SD) and task difficulty in three conditions: sentences presented in (a) quiet, (b) background noise, and (c) with emotional prosody, where participants identified the emotions conveyed by the speaker. The performance of young adults (n = 41) was assessed twice, after nocturnal sleep and after a 24-hr SD in three tasks: (a) sentence repetition in quiet, and (b) noise, and (c) emotion identification of spoken sentences. Results partially supported our hypotheses. The perception of spoken sentences was impaired by SD, but noise-level did not interact with SD effect. Results suggest that 24-hr SD reduces cognitive resources, which in turn impairs listeners’ ability (or motivation) to perform daily functions of speech perception. Theoretically, findings directly relate SD to speech perception, supporting current theoretical speech models. Clinically, we suggest that SD should be considered in daily clinical settings, e.g., hearing tests. Finally, professions that require shift work, such as health care, should consider the negative effects of SD on spoken communication.

Declarative questions (DQs) are declarative sentences used as questions. As declaratives, they differ from information-seeking polar questions (ISQs) in their syntax, and as biased questions, they differ from polar questions because they can convey various epistemic stances: a request for confirmation, surprise, or incredulity. Most studies on their intonation typically compare just one subtype to ISQs. In this paper, we present a production study where participants pronounced ISQs, confirmative and surprise DQs, and assertions in Russian. We analyzed the pitch and duration of the target utterances, as these prosodic cues proved to be important in the formal markedness of various biased question types across languages. A principal component analysis (PCA) on the pitch contours shows that DQs bear the same rise-fall contour as ISQs, but its peak falls on the stressed syllable of the last word of the sentence instead of the verb. The intonation of surprise DQs differs from that of confirmative ones in that they also exhibit a slight peak on the subject. Pitch alone is thus enough to distinguish the four utterance types tested. The PCA analysis was also used to identify higher-level trends in the data (principal components), two of which appear to correspond to core semantic properties, namely belief change and commitment. In addition to intonation, speaker commitment also correlates with utterance duration.

Studies exploring gender agreement processing in late bilinguals whose first language (L1) lacks the gender feature suggest that advanced second language (L2) learners can detect gender agreement violations in the L2. Importantly, these studies have mainly included gender canonical nouns (e.g., la silla, el libro). However, the specific mechanisms L2 learners use while processing L2 gender agreement are unclear: Do learners rely on morphophonological cues (i.e., gender suffix) or on their gender assignment? In this study, English advanced L2 learners of Spanish and Spanish monolinguals completed a moving window task containing sentences with canonical and deceptive nouns engaged in noun–adjective gender (dis)agreement relations (e.g., casa antigua/*o, mano rosada/*o). Results revealed that Spanish monolinguals and advanced L2 learners were sensitive to violations with canonical nouns. However, native speakers were significantly slower at computing gender disagreement than agreement with deceptive nouns, while advanced L2 learners exhibited the opposite processing pattern (i.e., they took longer to process gender agreement than disagreement with deceptive nouns). The findings suggest that native speakers seem to rely on their gender assignment, while L2 learners focus more on suffix matching patterns (i.e., if -o in the noun, -o in the adjective).

The goal of the present study was to investigate if cognitive traces of the network structure of the phonological language network, where phonological word-form neighbors are connected to each other, could be uncovered in word substitution errors. The phonological network has a set of macro-level (i.e., features characterizing global structure of the lexicon) and meso-level (i.e., features characterizing intermediate structure or subgroups within the lexicon) structural features that should be observable in speech error data if such features play a role in production and retrieval processes. A total of 1,067 single-word substitution errors, which included 965 production errors (i.e., slips of the tongue) and 102 perception errors (i.e., slips of the ear), were analyzed in the present study. Results indicated evidence of both macro- and meso-level lexicon structures in word substitution errors, providing converging evidence that structural features of the phonological network have implications for language-related processes.

How do speakers think and feel about neologisms? And how do these thoughts and feelings affect speakers’ desire to use a neologism? In the present work, we synthesized existing literature on speakers’ intrapersonal reasons for neologism use. From this synthesis, we derived a model of speaker attitudes about neologisms consisting of three core factors—efficiency, extravagance, and extralinguistic relevance. In three studies, we then empirically assessed whether this model accurately reflected how speakers thought and felt about neologisms, as well as how these thoughts and feelings affected whether speakers wanted to use a neologism. Results indicated that our conceptual model reasonably captured the various types of feelings people have about neologisms and confirmed that each of these types of feelings can be relevant to neologism use.

Sarcasm has been associated with several acoustic cues, but exploration of such cues in Cantonese has been limited. The present study revisited the production and perception of sarcasm in Cantonese, investigating how prosodic features and voice quality measures signal sarcastic speech and how well they can be recognized. Eighteen native Hong Kong Cantonese speakers produced colloquial sentences with three attitudes: sarcasm, neutrality, and sincerity. Five prosodic parameters and three voice quality parameters were analyzed and compared between attitudes, genders, and individual speakers. In addition, 42 native listeners rated the degree of sarcasm and sincerity of the target utterances. Average rating scores were compared between attitudes. Results show that Cantonese sarcasm is characterized by a slower speech rate, lower mean F0, narrower F0 range, lower mean amplitude, greater amplitude range, higher harmonic-to-noise ratio (HNR), lower jitter, and lower shimmer than sincere speech. Speakers utilized different combinations of acoustic cues to express sarcastic feeling. Listeners were able to distinguish sarcasm from sincerity according to the acoustic cues alone in the absence of verbal context. The more acoustic cues were utilized in a sarcastic utterance, the easier it would be for the listeners to understand the implied sarcastic meaning. Moreover, the insertion of an intensifier “zan55hai22 (really)” enhanced the sarcastic intonation, increasing listeners’ accuracy at recognizing the speaker’s sarcastic intention. The present study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between prosody and sarcastic speech by using an improved method and providing evidence of production and perception in native Cantonese speakers.

This study examined Korean three-way stop contrasts produced by North Korean (NK) immigrant speakers now living in South Korea, from the perspective of second dialect acquisition (SDA). Their production was compared with that of South Korean (SK) speakers. SK speakers and NK refugee speakers (N = 22 each) completed three tasks designed to elicit careful and conversational speech: reading aloud lists of one-syllable words and short phrases and participating in a sociolinguistic interview. The potential acoustic cues voice onset time (VOT), F0, and H1-H2 were measured and analyzed for 14,478 stops. Results indicated that in conversational speech (interview), SK speakers neutralized VOT between lenis and aspirated and used F0 robustly to differentiate the two categories, while distinguishing the long VOT for lenis and aspirated from the short VOT for fortis stops. In careful speech (reading one-syllable words), SK speakers differentiated all three categories by VOT. In contrast, NK speakers distinguished all three categories by VOT in all tasks, except for neutralizing the contrast for fortis and lenis in phrase reading. Furthermore, F0 was not used as robustly by NK as by SK speakers. We also examined the effects of age of arrival (AoA) and length of residence (LoR) on NK speakers’ SDA. Our results indicated that the longer the NK refugees lived in SK, the more they could produce more SK-like stops. The results suggest that NK stop contrasts are likely distinguished by VOT, and these refugee speakers are in the process of acquiring SK stop patterns.

Phonological awareness (PA) is of great significance to children’s early language learning and cognitive development. However, there has been a clear lack of research on the role of PA in developing children’s perception of connected speech in foreign languages. Thus, this study focused on the cross-linguistic association between PA and children’s connected speech perception skills. A total of 82 10- to-11-year-old Chinese English as a Foreign Language (EFL) learners participated in a battery of tasks on English connected speech perception and English and Chinese PA. The data yielded three critical results based on correlation, linear regression, Sobel test, and bootstrapping analyses. First, EFL young learners’ English connected speech perception skills were significantly associated with their English and Chinese PA. Second, English phonemic and Chinese sound awareness were recognized as predictors of their connected speech perception skills. Moreover, the results further revealed that Chinese tone awareness predicted English connected speech perception skills via a direct pathway through Chinese sound awareness as a mediator. These findings demonstrated a cross-linguistic positive correlation between PA and connected speech perception skills from graphic to alphabetic characters in childhood. The results of this study shed light on teaching strategies for connected speech in EFL primary school education.

Clear speech is a speaking style adopted by talkers who perceive a barrier to effective communication. Clear speech has been reported to have acoustic characteristics that are similar to those of speech perceived as feminine (e.g., expanded vowel space, longer vowel duration, and increased fundamental frequency compared with conversational speech). The present study therefore explored whether clear speech is indeed perceived as more feminine than conversational speech by naïve listeners. Clear and conversational sentences produced by 20 male and 21 female talkers were presented to 17 young adults with normal hearing, who used a visual analog scale with “masculine” and “feminine” endpoints to rate the talkers’ gender. Results showed that clear speech was rated significantly more feminine than conversational speech for male talkers but not female talkers (β = −4.273, t = −7.407, p < .001). Perceived femininity was significantly correlated with median fundamental frequency for female (r = .55, p < .001) and male talkers (r = .54, p < .001) and with vowel space perimeter for male talkers (r = .49, p < .001). Perceived femininity was more weakly correlated with fundamental frequency interquartile range (r = .24, p < .001) and speaking rate (r = −.16, p < .001). These results suggest that adopting a clear speaking style may increase perceived femininity. Although using clear speech alone may not suffice for a talker to be perceived as female, it could be used as one of many tools to help talkers achieve more “feminine” speech.

We motivate a possible relationship between the psychological concept of mental boundaries and the linguistic phenomenon of phonetic accommodation, proposing that thinner boundaries may indicate a greater disposition to phonetically adapt to an interlocutor. To enable research on this relationship with German speakers, we translated the English short version of the Boundary Questionnaire (BQ-Sh), an established instrument for measuring the strength of mental boundaries, and demonstrated that the resulting German adaptation (BQ-Sh-G) can be used equivalently to the BQ-Sh. As the Big Five personality traits have previously been considered in research on both mental boundaries and phonetic accommodation, we explored the relationship between the BQ-Sh-G and the NEO-Five Factor Inventory. Consistent with previous literature, the BQ-Sh-G score correlated positively with Neuroticism and Openness, as well as negatively with Conscientiousness. We collected BQ-Sh-G scores from participants of an experiment on phonetic accommodation in a human–computer interaction context, specifically investigating the realization of the word ending 〈-ig〉 and the intonation of wh-questions in German. The analysis revealed a tendency for thicker mental boundaries to correspond with more convergence to 〈-ig〉 variants. Taking into account the results of previous work exploring the influence of the Big Five on the same data, we conclude that speakers may accommodate to different types of phonetic features depending on different personality traits. We encourage future work to investigate this further, while also exploring the predictive potential of the boundary construct with respect to a general disposition to phonetic accommodation, that is, examining a large number of phonetic features simultaneously.

Research into iconicity, systematicity, and sound-symbolism has revealed that the connection between linguistic form and meaning is not completely arbitrary. In the present study, native Czech speakers, unfamiliar with Hindi, were presented with a task in which they had to match Hindi words with their corresponding Czech translations. The words were randomly selected from a Hindi corpus. Despite the considerable linguistic gap between the two languages, the analysis showed that the Czech participants were able to accurately discern the meanings of approximately 60% of the Hindi word pairs, surpassing the 50% success rate that would be expected by random guessing alone. This experiment was subsequently replicated using Turkish, Japanese, and Latvian words, demonstrating the robustness of this phenomenon across different languages. In the case of a closer language like Latvian, the success rate reached 80%. However, even a distant language such as Japanese reached the 60% success level. Furthermore, the study explored potential factors influencing intelligibility. Data collected from a total of 1,128 participants found that the phonological similarity of Czech words and their translation, word length alignment, presence of cognates, and the way the trials were presented had a significant effect on the success rate of guessing the correct translation across all four languages. In addition, language-specific effects were identified.

The debate about the rhotic sound in Standard Mandarin (i.e., Putonghua) focuses on its articulation as a retroflex and its classification as either a fricative or an approximant. To address these questions, this study examines the syllable-initial r-sound, quantifying tongue contours for the r-phoneme itself and in relation to the retroflex sibilants (i.e., /ʂ, tʂ^h, tʂ/). Both established and novel articulatory and acoustic measures are employed to assess their effectiveness in distinguishing phonetic contrasts. The ultrasound imaging results reveal that Putonghua onset /r/ is articulated with either a tip-up retroflex or a tip-down bunched tongue posture, specifying both coronal and dorsal gestures. Compared to /ʂ, tʂ^h, tʂ/, the syllable-initial /r/ is produced with a greater degree of tip-up retroflexion and more pronounced tongue inflections, supported by vertical tongue displacement and discrete Fourier transform measurements. Acoustically, Putonghua /r/ is most often produced without frication and is characterized by low F3, F3F2 distance and zero crossing rates. The results find that even the fricated /r/ variant remains substantially distinct from sibilants both in tongue gestures and acoustic properties. The study argues that this phoneme should be classified as a retroflex approximant, transcribed as [ɻ], rather than a fricative [ʐ]. The results contribute substantial evidence to the limited articulatory corpus and enhance the understanding of the Putonghua rhotic’s articulatory-acoustic correspondence, highlighting the importance of contextualizing phonetic variability within the phonology of the language.

This study investigates if two groups of experienced late bilinguals (Arabic-English, English-Arabic) produce the Arabic vowels /ɪ, u, a/ and the English vowels /ɪ, ʊ, æ/ with nativelike formant values (F1, F2) compared with Arabic and English monolinguals, respectively. We aimed to characterize the relationship between second-language (L2) acquisition and first-language (L1) attrition of vowels, that is, does nativelike acquisition of an L2 vowel correspond to attrition of a phonetically similar L1 vowel, and vice versa? Moreover, we explored if nativelikeness of bilingual vowel productions is influenced by the predictor variable sound discrimination aptitude. Results show that bilinguals who produce nativelike L2 vowels are also able to maintain native L1 productions, suggesting that an increased L2 proficiency does not inevitably entail a decline in L1 proficiency.

This study examines the effect of language attitudes and stereotypes on vowel perceptions by two groups of listeners from Asturias, Spain that differ in their relationship with the languages present in their communities: Spanish, the national majority language, and Asturian, the regional minority language. The responses of 165 participants from the Nalón Valley (a mining area in the region) were compared with those of 156 listeners from Gijón (the largest urban area) as they categorized words containing synthesized productions of Spanish [o] and Asturian [u] in a task that combined binary forced-choice identification and visual priming. The results of a mixed-effects regression model reveal that, for the Nalón Valley group, positive attitudes toward Asturian result in higher rates of /u/ selection, while, for the Gijón group, positive attitudes toward Asturian intersect with negative stereotypes about urban Asturians who avoid the regional language. We propose that spreading activation and weighting in exemplar-based models can account for these different findings: the greater use of Asturian in the Nalón Valley results in weaker and more varied links between vowel exemplars and social properties, limiting the effect of visual priming. However, a heavier weight exists between stereotypes of urban Asturians and Spanish exemplars in the city, resulting in a priming effect in Gijón that does not emerge in the Nalón Valley. We conclude that individual experience, attitudes, and stereotypes work together to condition speech perception uniquely in light of the local context.